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Prior to paved roads,
pleasure excursions in the family car could end in disaster in North Carolina.
Luckily for this mud-bound convertible and family, the approaching team
of horses would pull them free from their prison.
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At a time when many people still
disliked the idea of women voting, Harriet Morehead Berry took the lead
in securing the “most drastic piece of legislation . . . ever . . . attempted,”
a program “too idealistic for North Carolina.” Her triumph appeared to
come quickly, but it was in fact the culmination of many years of hard
work and more than a little pluck.
Harriet
Morehead Berry was born in Hillsborough in 1877. She enrolled in the State
Normal and Industrial College (now the University of North Carolina at
Greensboro) in 1893 and graduated with a brilliant record. After teaching
for a few years, Berry joined the staff of the North Carolina Geological
and Economic Survey in 1901. She was appointed secretary of the survey
in 1904. Through the efforts of Hattie Berry and of Joseph Hyde Pratt,
state geologist, the state’s geological survey energetically promoted
the good roads movement in North Carolina.
The North Carolina Good Roads
Association was formed in 1902. Coordinating the work of the state geological
survey with that of the Good Roads Association, Berry and Pratt worked
relentlessly for good roads during the next two decades. The geological
survey held road institutes at the University of North Carolina in Chapel
Hill, which were attended by county commissioners, road engineers, and
citizens who recognized the need for a state highway system.
When the United States entered
World War I in 1917, Pratt joined the army and Berry became the acting
head of the geological survey and of the Good Roads Association. In Berry’s
words, she “had a free hand for the first time” to carry out some of her
ideas.
She called a meeting in 1918
to plan a strategy for pushing the necessary legislation for a highway
system through the General Assembly. Berry drafted a bill that greatly
agitated the 1919 legislative session. Behind the scenes Berry almost
single-handedly led the fight. With no stenographer she had to do much
of the work herself, burning “the midnight oil practically the whole time,”
she later recalled. Many businessmen and politicians, however, opposed
the idea of the state’s funding a large-scale road-building business.
They especially disliked the heavy debt that would accompany a large bond
issuance.
The Good Roads Association’s
bill failed to pass in 1919, but Berry had learned a lesson. She immediately
set about organizing a statewide, grass-roots campaign to pressure the
1921 legislature to establish a state highway system. During the two-year
campaign Berry spoke in eighty-nine counties and traveled some of North
Carolina’s worst roads by wagons, buses, and automobiles. Women, as key
field workers for the association, recruited new members, spoke in favor
of good roads, and distributed propaganda.
Hattie Berry’s plans
“to bring North Carolina out of the mud” would probably have won the approval
of these 1920s Haywood County travelers.
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Though frail in appearance,
Miss Hattie possessed a strong voice and radiated great self-confidence.
She relished a good fight but never forgot an insult or slight. One newspaper
called her simply “the best woman politician in the state.” |
She had to be, for by 1920 the campaign
for good roads brought her increasingly under attack. A rival good roads
organization based in Charlotte opposed the expense involved in Berry’s
plan. She wanted all counties to receive the benefit of good roads. This
meant using tax money from the larger, wealthier counties to help pay
for the maintenance of roads in poorer, rural counties. The Charlotte
group favored a small highway system connecting larger cities only. These
conflicting views led some members of the Good Roads Association to suggest
that a man should administer the campaign for good roads, since it might
be too much for a woman. To that notion Miss Hattie icily replied, “The
weak shoulders of a woman have for the past fifteen years carried this
proposition, and I propose that the weak shoulders of a women should continue
to carry it.”
She won her point, but the
fight was not over. The new governor, Cameron Morrison of Charlotte, favored
the Charlotte faction’s view on good roads. He sought to shield the wealthier
counties from heavy expense by recommending that each county pay for half
the cost of building and maintaining roads. The Good Roads Association
was stunned. Poorer counties could not possibly raise enough tax revenues
for such a program. At a dramatic conference with Governor Morrison, Miss
Hattie and the good roads supporters confronted the governor. They pointedly
reminded him that the Democratic campaign plank of 1920 had called for
the state, not the counties, to build roads. After the meeting, Morrison
told a reporter that, “If it hadn’t been for that waspish woman, I could
have had my way.”
Berry’s success in raising
grass-roots support for her roads campaign can be seen in the growth of
the Good Roads Association from 272 active members in 1919 to 5,500 in
1921. Over 25,000 names were collected on petitions for good roads and
over 195 circular letters had been mailed out in less than two years.
By the time the legislature met in 1921 the passage of a state highway
system act was a foregone conclusion. During the debate in the assembly
Berry was given a desk next to the speaker’s where she answered notes
from assemblymen on the floor. The 1921 law contained the principle features
of Berry’s program, especially the key factor of state funding.
The good roads movement in
North Carolina showed government’s growing ability to deal with social
and economic problems too large and complicated for local communities
to handle. But in the end it took the determination and dedication of
one woman to lead the campaign for good roads. Enemies were made, however.
Berry’s successful fight ended in removal from her post with the state
Geological and Economic Survey in 1921. Later she returned to public service
to help organize credit unions and savings and loan associations across
the state before her retirement in 1937. When she died in 1940, few questioned
her reputation as North Carolina’s “Mother of Good Roads.”